It is indisputably true that human societies produce fewer
offspring as they grow wealthier. This
is not surprising for there are many reasons why this is likely. What is disturbing is that this trend has
continued to the point where most societies are no longer producing enough
children to maintain their populations.
This trend is near universal in highly developed countries, with
individual nations exhibiting various levels of decline. Where once experts worried about the world
producing too many people, now they are concerned with there being too few to
continue the societies and economies that have been created. Projections of population decline indicate
the world’s population could fall as fast as it rose in the twentieth century
and reach nearly zero in the twenty-second.
The term “population collapse” has entered the realm of public
discourse.
What is troubling today is not that such a collapse is
likely, but rather, the reasons people stopped having a sustainable level of
births. It takes a birth rate of about
2.05 per female to sustain a population.
In some countries, particularly those in Asia, the rate has fallen to
around half that value. South Korea and
China are projected to have populations near half their current values
by the end of the current century, a startling result. What is it about the societies we are living
in that causes women to have fewer or no babies?
First of all, women, across the globe, have more control
over initiating or terminating pregnancies.
They are also more involved than ever in the economies of the world as
individuals with unique self-fulfilling goals: education, career advancement,
social standing, and income level.
Jessica Winter addressed the reasons why a woman might choose to not
have any more children in The Morality of Having Kids in a Burning, Drowning World. It has become common
to hear opinions on whether one should bring additional children into a world
seemingly heading for climate catastrophe.
Winter concluded that while that is a worthy concern, it was not
necessarily the dominant cause of declining births. She favored the conclusion that such
decisions ended up based on a set of concerns.
“…as the result of a complex and extremely familiar interplay of
factors. These include not only climate anxiety but also financial constraints,
the demands of work and career, health risks (and the gross racial disparities
that go with them), sexism (and the racism that compounds it), and a persistent
imbalance in the division of domestic and emotional labor in heterosexual
partnerships.”
One can parse this list of concerns into a claim that women
are concerned about their status as workers in the kinds of capitalist
societies we have fallen into, as well as their status as females in our
persisting patriarchal culture. The fact
that we can assign falling birthrates to the decisions of women indicates they
already secured a degree of freedom from the constraints that held them in
bondage for several millennia. Further
progress can be expected as they proceed to demonstrate their equality, if not
superiority, to males in an economy that has little use for traditional male
attributes. There seems something
terribly wrong with societies that create conditions that preclude maintaining
their population. Of interest here are
the economic and social factors that have rendered children a burden rather
than a fascinating and fulfilling aspect of life.
Humans are animals.
It is doubtful that any other species produced a society that results in
members consciously deciding that their society is not one in which it is
appropriate to produce offspring..
Animal societies do have means of controlling population growth when
resources are scarce, but the human response is occurring when resources are,
if anything, overabundant. This is a
bizarre situation which, in retrospect, we were warned about.
When European invaders arrived to colonize the American
continents, they brought with them cultures developed over centuries of
domination by religious and monarchical rulers.
They were highly hierarchical with everyone knowing their place: who
they had to obey and who they didn’t obey.
They required religions, police forces, and prisons to limit
personal liberties so that society could function. In the process, they encountered peoples who
had developed an entirely different view of life, one which they considered far
superior to that of the Europeans. A good
documentation of this social collision in the French and English regions was
provided by David Graeber and David Wengrow in
What the Europeans discovered were societies that had no
prisons and no laws except those that the individual people decided to
obey. Leaders were those who were most
capable of convincing others that they had the best proposals. Their terms in office terminated when that
status ceased to exist. Punishment for
an action that harmed another was imposed not on the offender, but on his extended
family. That family and that of the
persons abused would negotiate compensation sufficient to eliminate any desire
for revenge. The French Jesuits had to
admit that this peculiar system worked rather well in keeping the peace. Males and females had specific
responsibilities within a society, and each had control over their tasks. Women also had control over their
bodies. Unmarried women had sexual
liberty; married women could easily gain a divorce. The natives did not use money. They were not strictly an egalitarian
society; wealth could accumulate to the most industrious, but it could not be
used to purchase power over another; rather, it was used to acquire praise for
the generosity shown in sharing it with others.
People in need were to be assisted.
The American natives had no interest nor any tolerance
for the type of lives lived by the French, and they had the eloquence to make
the case that their way of life was superior.
The authors illustrate the indigenous critique with this insight.
“…the whole apparatus of trying
to force people to behave well would be unnecessary if France did not also
maintain a contrary apparatus that encourages people to behave badly. That apparatus consisted of money, property
rights and the resultant pursuit of material self-interest.”
“The French had more material possessions…[the
Natives] conceded; but they had other, greater assets: ease, comfort, and time.”
What the authors referred to as the “Indigenous Critique”
would include the claim that the American Natives had a society better able to
protect individual liberties and was better at providing gender and economic
equality. These notions would be
intriguing for the intellectuals of Europe, as well as for the colonists
themselves. James W. Loewen reports on
how early colonials viewed the Natives’ lifestyles in
Robert Skidelsky and Edward Skidelsky asked just that
question a few years ago in the book How Much Is Enough?; Money and the good life (2012).
The authors make the argument that
society should have used the wealth created by economic growth to satisfy its
material needs and then transition to a mode in which the goal of greater
wealth would be replaced by the goal of greater “leisure.” The term leisure does not connote
inactivity. Rather, the authors define
leisure as the time necessary to pursue “the good life.” This is the equivalent to the American
Natives’ goal of having “ease, comfort, and time.”
The authors take their starting point from
an essay by Keynes in 1930 predicting that enough wealth could be created by
about 2030 to enable this transition to a life of little work and much
satisfying leisure. They also suggest
our embrace of capitalism was a Faustian bargain made in hopes of attaining
this good life.
“Keynes understood
that capitalist civilization had, at some level of consciousness, undertaken to
license motives previously condemned as ‘foul’ for the sake of future
reward. It had struck a bargain with the
forces of darkness, in return for which it would secure what earlier ages could
only dream of—a world beyond the toil and trouble, violence and injustice of
life as it actually is.”