It is well-known that free-market capitalism was a
failure leading to intolerable economic volatility. It was the capitalists themselves who
recognized the need to control markets when they set up monopolies called “trusts”
intended to dominate particular industries in such a way that prices could be
controlled and competition inhibited.
This state of affairs was not particularly satisfactory to consumers and
generated government regulation to inhibit the formation of monopolies. What evolved from this contention between
capitalists and government regulation was the realization that each side needed
the other and an accommodation was required if the system was to work
efficiently.
Robert B. Reich has assessed this balance between markets
and regulation in his new book Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few. He concludes that the required balance
between capitalists and regulation has been lost. Those who have acquired great wealth have
used the power that wealth can buy to control government regulation and use it
to increase the ability of the wealthy to grow wealthier at the expense of the
rest of the population. In Reich’s view
we are living under an oligarchy, and we must begin to organize in order to
regain a “countervailing” political power.
Reich provides numerous examples to support his
contention. The intent here is a discussion
of ways the tax code has been used to protect the wealth of the wealthy, making
sure that little of it gets redistributed.
Reich organized his thoughts in two dueling chapters; the first was
titled The Rise of the Working Poor
followed by The Rise of the Non-working Rich. It is the latter we will focus on here.
Reich claims that those who have acquired great riches
can pass enough of their assets on to their children that our nation is
beginning to look like one of those nineteenth-to-early-twentieth century
European aristocracies.
“Consider that in 1978, the
richest 1 percent of households accounted for 20 percent of business
income. By 2007 they accounted for 49
percent. They were also taking in 75
percent of all capital gains. By 2014,
the value of the stock market was significantly higher than it was before the
crash of 2008. Accordingly, the top was
earning substantially more from their investments and acquiring even more of
all capital gains.”
“America is on the cusp of the
largest intergenerational transfer of wealth in history. A study from the Boston College Center on Wealth
and Philanthropy projects that $36 trillion could be passed down to heirs in
the half century leading up to 2061….It is about to become the source for a new
American aristocracy.”
There are many ways to avoid paying taxes on assets. Perhaps the most troubling are those that use
the “charity” tax deduction to obtain what is essentially a subsidy provided by
tax payers to support whatever actions are being taken. It is an example of what is known as a tax
expenditure. Tax expenditures add up to
about $1 trillion each year. They are
equivalent to taxes being gathered and redistributed to those eligible for a
transfer. The wealthy are the greatest
beneficiaries of these transfers. While
our income tax rates are progressive, these giveaways are regressive in the
sense that funds are preferentially transferred from lower income taxpayers to
higher income taxpayers.
Let us refer to two
articles written by Lewis B. Cullman. Cullman
is a wealthy old man who has given many millions to charitable causes. He was in a bad mood when he wrote an article
for The New York Review of Books in 2003. It was titled Private Foundations: The Trick. Scam would have been a more
appropriate term, but Mr. Cullman is apparently also a gentleman. He was still angry more recently when
he returned to the same publication with a new article: Stop the Misuse of Philanthropy!
Cullman explains how “charity” is used to create and pass
on dynastic wealth to succeeding generations.
“The next time you read about a
rich person donating $100 million to charity, you should be aware that this
seemingly generous gift may never actually reach the institutions that need it.
The chances are that the donation is being used to set up a private foundation.
The gift will earn the donor a full deduction against income or estate taxes.
But the little-understood trick of this form of philanthropy is that the $100
million that launched the foundation need never go to charity.”
The “trick” involves hiding behind the IRS requirement
that private foundations must spend at least 5% of their assets each year. However, the IRS does not require those funds
be issued as a grant of some sort. It is
perfectly legal to charge 5% against the assets for administration costs. Consider also that it is relatively easy for
smart money managers to earn (tax free) at least 5% on multimillion dollar nest
eggs. Given that private foundations
have no termination date, a charitable foundation could go on forever without
donating a significant amount to charity.
Now consider the wealthy person who wanted to avoid
estate taxes and still provide for his children. The $100 million could be administered by a
son or daughter or multiple offspring.
This task would provide a salary and expense account worth millions
every year that could be passed on to subsequent generations.
Cullman claims to have given about $500 million for
actually charitable purposes and is outraged at the misuse of supposedly
charitable contributions allowed by our tax system.
“Recent estimates indicate that
at least $700 billion is tucked away in private foundations, money that could
be doing good for charities and for the economy—and you and I as taxpayers have
underwritten the tax benefits awarded those foundations.”
Reich provides an estimate of how much is lost each year
in allowing tax deductions and sheltering earnings from charitable entities.
“In economic terms, these deductions
and tax-free earnings are the equivalent of government subsidies. In 2011, the last year for which good data
are available, they totaled an estimated $54 billion….To put this into some
perspective, $50 billion is more than the federal government spent in 2011 on
the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program (what’s left of welfare),
school lunches for poor kids, and Head Start put together.”
Although the details of how it is done might be
unfamiliar, it has always been known that the wealthy have ways to protect
their assets and pass them on. Reich also
provides a glimpse at the less familiar mechanisms by which the tax system
allows us to subsidize the rich as they funnel money to their favorite
educational institutions.
“Another portion goes to the elite
prep schools and universities that benefactors once attended or want their
children to attend. (Such institutions
typically give preference in admissions to applicants and legacies whose
parents have been notably generous, a kind of affirmative action for the
wealthy.) Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and
the rest of the Ivy League are important institutions, but they do not educate
large numbers of poor young people.”
“Private university endowments
in 2014 totaled about $550 billion, centered in a handful of prestigious
institutions. Harvard’s endowment is more
than $32 billion, followed by Yale at $20.8 billion, Stanford at $18.7 billion,
and Princeton at $18.2 billion.”
Because of the charitable deduction any contribution to
these extremely wealthy institutions is actually coming out of our tax payments at the rate of about 30
percent. In addition, the income and
capital gains earned by these endowments goes untaxed—in other words we
taxpayers provide a subsidy to cover the taxes that should have been paid. The sum of these subsidies is enormous.
“Add in these endowments’
exemptions from taxes on capital gains and on income they earn, and the total
government expenditure is even larger.
Divide by the relatively small number of students attending these
institutions, and the amount of subsidy per student is huge. The annual government subsidy to Princeton
University, for example, is about $54,000 per student, according to an estimate
by economist Richard Vedder. Other elite
private universities aren’t far behind.”
Now compare this with the level of public support
received by students at public universities which are not generally in
possession of large endowments. These
institutions receive most of their funding from state and local governments,
and that level of support has been rapidly falling.
“….the average annual government
subsidy per student at a public university comes to less than $6,000, about
one-tenth the per-student government subsidy at Princeton.”
Reich also makes sure we are aware that government
subsidies are being used to increase the inequality in funding of public
schools in the K-12 range. These schools
are mostly funded by property taxes. Consequently
the higher the property values the higher the level of funding for the local
schools. Some states and localities have
attempted to correct this inequality by allocating funds at comparable rates
per student. What is new about this
situation is that things called “parents’ foundations” are becoming common as a
mechanism to feed extra money into particular schools. These foundations have the same tax privileges
as university endowments, providing a government-subsidized mechanism that
allows them to provide better education for their own children—and avoid
contributing funds via taxes for a better education for all children.
Laura McKenna provides a discussion of these foundations
and their impact in an article in The
Atlantic: How Rich Parents Can Exacerbate School Inequality.
“Clearly, affluent communities have greater financial resources to support
their schools. Parents there also have the time and social capital needed to
organize elaborate fundraisers and fill out the lengthy legal paperwork
required to establish these foundations. With these enormous resources, parents
in affluent communities can raise far more money for their schools than parents
in other locations.”
“This extreme fundraising prowess is seen in wealthy communities across the
country. Some parents groups at elite public schools in New York City, for
example, raise so much money that their schools have earned the nickname “public
privates.” School foundations at places like Brooklyn Tech, raise millions to
fund science equipment, guest lecturers, and scholarships for summer programs.
An elementary school in a wealthy area of Chicago raised $400,000 in one night
with an auction that included airfare to vacation homes (while another school
in a less-affluent neighborhood raised only $8,000 for the entire year with
bake sales and book fairs). The school foundation for Woodside, California,
will hold an auction in May that includes six tickets, a makeover, and a limo
to a Taylor Swift concert (valued at $3,700), a shopping spree at a jewelry
store (valued at $15,000), and a week at a vacation home in the Hamptons
(valued at $15,000).”
McKenna quotes
Rob Reich (not Robert Reich) a Stanford professor and co-director of its Center
on Philanthropy and Civil Society.
“Reich….pointed out that when wealthy people give money to their town
foundations, their tax-deductable donations stay in their own communities. The
contributions enhance the schools’ success, which in turn increases the donors’
property value. In other words, the rich receive tax credits for giving money
to themselves. ‘All of us are subsidizing the magnification of inequality in
public schools,’ he told me. ‘It’s preposterous’.”
“These highly educated, affluent
parents, he said, use their finite energy and wallets to do some something that
exclusively benefits their children. As a result, the parents may be less
likely to advocate for policy changes that would benefits kids in other school
districts, taking away some of their ‘political voice,’ Reich theorized.
Instead of going to Trenton or Albany to fight for public schools, they are
running the town’s science fair.”
Robert Reich provides this reckoning of how much “charitable”
giving actually reaches poor people.
“A 2005 analysis by Indiana
University’s Center on Philanthropy showed that even under the most generous of
assumptions only about a third of ‘charitable’ giving is targeted to helping
poor people.”
We would become a better society if we eliminated the charity
tax deduction and used the funds gained to augment our pathetic social support
system. The main problems with our
education system are poverty and the increased isolation of the rich from the
poor.
Thank You
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