The incidents of students bringing weapons to school in
order to kill classmates and teachers have become so common that it suggests a
fad has emerged. Malcolm Gladwell
addresses this conjecture in an interesting article in The New Yorker: Thresholds of Violence: How school shootings catch on.
In the course of trying to explain the spread of this phenomenon he introduces
the work of the sociologist Mark Granovetter. Granovetter performed
seminal work on the threshold model of collective social behavior. One of his
applications of the model involved an explanation of how generally peaceful
people might get caught up in a riot and act in ways that are not consistent
with their character.
Gladwell uses this type model to study school
shootings. Here the subject will be more
general with threshold models being discussed in the context of wartime
violence. If Granovetter’s logic can
provide insight into how and why humans seem to be capable of mass murder, we
may learn something useful about our innate nature. The default assumption that humans have
inherited a violent nature through thousands of generations of natural selection
is not one to feel good about. One would
hope that our behavior has a more satisfactory explanation. Perhaps there is one.
Most attempts to explain how people perform in a riot
situation are based on the decision process of each individual. Something has caused a participant to do
things he would not normally do.
Granovettor’s approach starts with the assumption that riots are social
interactions, and individuals have thresholds which determine how many people
around them are necessary to participate in some act before they are induced to
participate as well. There will be a
distribution of such thresholds within a population such that at one extreme
there are the few individuals who have zero thresholds and act
spontaneously. At the other extreme, there
will be some who might never participate.
Gladwell provides this example.
“In the elegant theoretical
model Granovetter proposed, riots were started by people with a threshold of
zero—instigators willing to throw a rock through a window at the slightest
provocation. Then comes the person who will throw a rock if someone else goes
first. He has a threshold of one. Next in is the person with the threshold of
two. His qualms are overcome when he sees the instigator and the instigator’s
accomplice….and so on up to the hundredth person, a righteous upstanding
citizen who nonetheless could set his beliefs aside and grab a camera from the
broken window of the electronics store if everyone around
him was grabbing cameras from the electronics store.”
What is driving this response according to the model is a
form of peer pressure. Individuals will
respond differently to peer pressure in various situations, but few people are
left unaffected by it. Humans evolved in
groups, and responses to the constraints and impulses derived from group
dynamics will be part of the natural selection process. The reaction to peer pressure is likely
innate.
World War II was associated with violence at a level and
a scale that defy comprehension. The
killing of the Jews in the Holocaust is the prime example, but only encompasses
about half of the noncombatants who were murdered in Eastern Europe in the
lands between Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Russia. The death camp of Auschwitz is the symbol of
Nazi atrocities and provides the example of industrial efficiency in killing
human beings. The more common approach
to murder was even more efficient, but much more personal. Most Jews were killed in the regions in which
they lived. One common practice was to
herd people into a building and set the structure on fire while shooting any
that tried to escape. Another was to have the victims dig a trench, confiscate
their valuables, and shoot them at the edge of the trench so they fell into
it. Subsequent rows of victims were
brought in and executed in the same fashion until the ditch was full. There was nothing industrial about this
process. One set of human beings spent
the day shooting other human beings. Can
such practices be consistent with sane human behavior? Rabid anti-Semitism can’t be the entire answer
because non-Jewish groups were subjected to the same treatment if the ire of
the Nazis was aroused. By what mechanism
could people with no history of violence become mass murderers?
Consider an incident described by Niall Ferguson in his
book War of the World: Twentieth-Century Conflict and the Descent of the West.
German Reserve Battalion 101 arrived for duty at a small town in eastern
Poland. It was assigned the task of
eliminating a group of Jews that had been assembled. The healthy males were to be sent to slave
labor camps, while the remainder, “the sick, the elderly, the women and
children,” were to be taken into the forest and shot.
“Reserve Battalion 101 was not a
hardened group of Nazi fanatics. Most of
the 486 men came from working class and lower middle-class neighborhoods of
Hamburg. On the average, they were older
than the men in front-line units. Over
half were aged between thirty-seven and forty-two. Very few were members of the Nazi Party….They
were, without a doubt, just ordinary Germans.
They were also willing executioners.”
Their commander gave the soldiers the option of assuming
other duties if they felt they could not perform this task. Only a few opted out. More withdrew after the killing began, but
most were able to continue until all the victims were dead. Since these men were at this point amateurs,
they killed in the most straightforward way they knew. Their job was to put a bullet in the back of
the head of each man, woman, and child.
Most of these “ordinary Germans” were able to spend seventeen hours
driving people to forest and executing them, while at the same time getting
splattered with blood, bone chips and human tissue.
If one refuses to believe that in the space of a decade
or so the majority of the German population became psychotic killers, how might
this behavior be explained? Ferguson
leaves us with a suggestion.
“Another interpretation, based
in large measure on post-war testimony, is that these ‘ordinary men’ were well
aware that what they were doing was wrong, but suppressed their qualms because
of a mixture of deference to authority….and peer-group pressure.”
So we return to peer pressure as a mechanism for
generating violence—and we add deference to authority as another
component. We have already suggested
that the response to peer pressure could be innate. Could deference to authority also be an
innate response?
Anthropologists tell us that humans and chimpanzees once
followed the same evolutionary line.
Chimpanzee groups form a hierarchical chain of dominance among both
males and females. Once a chimp’s
position in the hierarchy is established (often with a bit of violence) it is
expected to defer to the higher ranking chimps.
One could interpret this behavior as “deference to authority.” Could some residue of this behavior pattern
persist in the human genome and provide us with a tendency to respond
positively to orders from figures of authority?
Let us proceed further with the thought that peer
pressure and deference to authority are innate human characteristics. What might this imply for our response to
threatening situations? It has long been
believed that humans (and chimps) are programmed to view other groups as a potential
threat that must be repulsed with some form of action. In the human context, this has been used as
an explanation for strife between races and between ethnic groups.
It is the differentness of “the other” that generates a
response that appears to be hatred.
However, in the case of chimpanzees there are no other races or ethnicities,
there are only other groups. “The other”
differs only in being not a member of the group. Is it not reasonable to then assume that
chimpanzees respond based on fear for the health of their group not out of
hatred for another group? In an
environment where food resources are always strained, conflicts at the
boundaries of group domains are inevitable.
However, it might be a mistake to imply an offensive motive to what may
be a defensive tactic. One can interpret
chimp behavior as an evolutionary strategy designed to protect the integrity of
the group.
Let us proceed with the notion that humans have an innate
respect for authority, respond strongly to peer pressure, and are motivated not
by hatred of “the other,” but by the need to protect their group.
Ferguson tried to characterize the conditions under which
violence has broken out in the twentieth century. He concluded that one could attribute the
onset of violence to three factors: ethnic conflict, economic volatility, and
empires in decline. The worst violence of
World War II occurred in regions situated between Germany and Russia, including
Poland, Belarus, and Ukraine. These were
regions with uncertain national boundaries and a great deal of ethnic mixing. For example, the boundary between Poland and
Ukraine was moved eastward after World War I.
This insured a good mixture of Poles in the lands claimed by Ukrainian
nationalists, and many Ukrainians in lands claimed by Polish nationalists. The area in dispute was also invaded by
Stalin, then invaded by Hitler, and finally reinvaded by Stalin. The chaos provided an opportunity for the two
ethnic groups to try to exert authority in order to support claims to the land. As a consequence there were rather bloody
conflicts that occurred between Poles and Ukrainians. Does this mean that Ukrainians who murdered
Poles did it because they hated the ethnic Poles because they were different
from them, or because they were doing what they thought was necessary to
protect their own ethnic group?
Timothy Snyder produced an awesome history of this
region: Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin. He provided this insight into what motivates
people to violence: a feeling of victimhood.
“No major war or act of mass
killing in the twentieth century began without the aggressors or perpetrators
first claiming innocence and victimhood….The human capacity for subjective
victimhood is apparently limitless, and people who believe they are victims can
be motivated to perform acts of great violence.”
Isn’t this just another way of saying that violence will
be resorted to when people feel their “group” is being threatened. Even Hitler used victimhood to justify his aggressions
and his desire to kill Jews. He claimed
that Germany was under siege by Jewish-led capitalists and Jewish-led communists. Jews had to die in order that Germans might
live.
Consider one more example of effective incitement to
violence. When the military wishes to
prepare soldiers for war fighting, they do not focus on hatred of the enemy as
the prime motivation. In the training
and indoctrination, the focus is on the importance and integrity of the
individual’s war fighting group. Protect your group from harm!
To the degree that we can argue that humans are
programmed to defend their groups rather than programmed to fear and hate
people unlike themselves, we have succeeded in presenting humans as a more
benign species better able to proceed along a sustainable path. The prevention of violence then is not a
matter of maintaining barriers between dissimilar people, but rather the
maintenance of stable societal and political entities that do not feel
threatened.