Given the heated rhetoric that is bandied about today on
the issue of abortion rights, it is difficult to remember that at the time of
the Roe v. Wade decision (1973) it
was viewed as a necessary step in resolving an intolerable situation—and had
broad support. This is one of the many
insights provided by Katha Pollitt in her book Pro: Reclaiming Abortion Rights.
“Today, the real-life harms Roe was intended to rectify have receded
from memory. Few doctors remember the
hospital wards filled with injured and infected women. The coat-hanger symbol seems as exotic as the
rack and thumbscrew, a relic waved by gray-haired ‘radical feminists’.”
Prior to Roe v.
Wade, the contention by the factions that today we refer to as “pro-choice”
and “pro-life” had been resolved in vastly different ways around the
nation. Abortion was legal in some
locations and illegal in others, a situation that could be easily resolved by
the wealthy, but left others helpless, depending on where they lived. The disparity in laws produced economic and
racial discrimination.
“The more exceptions there were
to the criminalization of abortion, the more glaringly unfair and hypocritical
the whole system was seen to be. By the
time Roe came to court, well-off
savvy women could flock to New York or several other states where laws had been
relaxed and get a safe, legal termination; poor women, trapped in states that
banned abortion, bore the brunt of harm from illegal procedures. There was a racial angle too: Not only did
women of color, then as now, have far more abortions than whites in proportion
to their numbers, they were much more likely to be injured or die in botched
illegal procedures. According to the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, from 1972 to 1974, the mortality
rate due to illegal abortion for nonwhite women was 12 times that for white
women. The injustice of a patchwork
system, in which a simple medical procedure could leave a woman dead or injured
based purely on where it took place, was obvious.”
The Supreme Court, the majority of the population, and
most religious groups were in favor of relaxing the laws against abortion and
decriminalizing it in many situations.
“If you assume the churches were
united against abortion, think again: Beginning in 1967, the Clergy
Consultation Service founded by the Reverend Howard R. Moody, a Baptist….helped
thousands of women across the country find their way to safe illegal
abortions. In the years leading up to Roe, legalization of abortion under at
least some circumstances was endorsed by the Union for Reform Judaism, the
Southern Baptist Convention, the National Association of Evangelicals, the
United Methodist Church, the Presbyterian Church USA, the Episcopal Church, and
other mainstream denominations.”
The need to avoid producing unwanted or nonviable children
is normal, natural, and inevitable. It was thus before Roe V. Wade, and remains so today.
“More than a million abortions
are performed every year—some 55 million since 1973, when Roe v. Wade became the law of the land. A few facts: By menopause, 3 in 10 American
women will have terminated at least one pregnancy; about half of all US women
who have an abortion have already had a prior abortion; excluding miscarriages,
21 percent of pregnancies end in abortion.
Contrary to the popular stereotype of abortion-seeking women as
promiscuous teenagers or child-hating professionals, around 6 in 10 women who
have abortions are already mothers. And
7 in 10 are poor or low-income.
Abortion, in other words, is part of the fabric of American life, and
yet it is arguably more stigmatized than it was when Roe was decided.”
Today the conversation about abortion has become
controlled by a minor, but vocal, component of the population that is determined
to place the rights of every pregnant woman below the rights of any zygote,
embryo, or fetus they might be carrying.
They are supported by pandering politicians who wish to not lose a
single vote by being controversial. Scoundrels
who claim to be libertarians or in favor of small nonintrusive government back
legislation demanding the government take control of a woman’s body against her
will.
“You would never know that Ayn
Rand and Barry Goldwater were pro-choice, and that in 1967, the governor of
California, Ronald Reagan, signed what was then the most liberal abortion law
in the nation.”
Pollitt provides us with this little tidbit about the
family of one of the greatest panderers of all time: Mitt Romney.
“….Mitt Romney’s son Tagg signed
a contract with a surrogate mother that gave her the right to abort for health
reasons and for him and his wife the right to decide on abortion should the
fetus prove ‘physiologically, genetically, or chromosomally abnormal’.”
The pro-life movement has managed to remove the issue of
women’s rights from the conversation.
Women who would choose an abortion must be selfish, morally corrupt, or
simply ignorant. What angers Pollitt
most is the manner in which politicians who claim to be pro-choice and who claim
to be in favor of women’s rights cede the high ground to the pro-lifers by
accepting the myth that having an abortion is necessarily a morally troubling
issue.
“Nowadays, we take it for
granted that having an abortion is a sorrowful, troubling, and even traumatic
experience, involving much ambivalence and emotional struggle, even though
studies and surveys consistently tell us it usually is not. Even pro-choicers use negative language:
Hillary Clinton called abortion ‘a sad, even tragic choice to many, many women’.”
A recent study by a team of researchers at the University
of California, San Francisco supports Pollitt’s claim that having an abortion
is not necessarily a troubling experience: Decision Rightness and Emotional Responses to Abortion in the United States: A Longitudinal Study. This effort
tracked women who had abortions and monitored their feelings about their
decision and their emotional response post-abortion for a period of three
years.
“We recruited a cohort of women
seeking abortions between 2008-2010 at 30 facilities across the United States,
selected based on having the latest gestational age limit within 150 miles. Two
groups of women (n=667) were followed prospectively for three years: women
having first-trimester procedures and women terminating pregnancies within two
weeks under facilities’ gestational age limits at the same facilities.”
The conclusions of the study must have been rather
startling even for pro-choice advocates.
“The predicted probability of
reporting that abortion was the right decision was over 99% at all time points
over three years.”
“Women also experienced reduced
emotional intensity over time: the feelings of relief and happiness experienced
shortly after the abortion tended to subside, as did negative emotions.
Notably, we found no differences in emotional trajectories or decision
rightness between women having earlier versus later procedures. Important to
women’s reports were social factors surrounding the pregnancy and
termination-seeking….Community stigma and lower social support were associated
with negative emotions.”
So, having an
abortion seems a quite survivable experience, particularly if a woman is not
hounded by pro-lifers.
The pro-life movement is a fraud. They are against extinguishing life as long
as the life form exists within the body of a pregnant woman. Once
it emerges from the woman they don’t give a damn about what happens to it. Pollitt makes a good case for the ultimate
motive being the determination to control women’s sexual behavior as well as
women’s social behavior.
“Legal abortion presents the
issue of women’s emancipation in particularly stark form. It takes a woman’s body out of the public
realm and puts her, not men and not children, at the center of her own life.”
If men are allowed to walk away from their role as an
initiator of life when it is convenient or necessary, then women must have the
same right.
If Hillary Clinton wishes to champion women as the first
woman president, she must jump in with both feet and speak clearly and
loudly. These are issues for which
triangulation is inappropriate.
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